June 15, 2016
National Press Club
Washington, DC
Hosted by
Ibn Khaldun Center, Cairo, Egypt
and
Ahwaz Human
Rights Organization (AHRO)
Ibn Khaldun Center & Ahwaz Human Rights Organization
Keynote Speech: Challenges of Pluralism in Iran
Mehrangiz Kar (Co-authored with Azadeh Pourzand)
Washington DC - June 15, 2016
Opening
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Good Afternoon! Thank you for your participation and interest today. I would like to open my speech by thanking Ibn Khaldun Center and Ahwaz Human Rights Organization for this important event, and for inviting me to speak about the challenge of pluralism in Iran. It is particularly critical to have seminars like this, given that the nuclear deal with Iran has marginalized the much-needed attention to human rights violations that continue to take place in the country. I would also like to thank the Association of Human Rights in Kurdistan of Iran-Geneva (KMMK-G) for their consultation in preparing today’s speech.
Overview
Iran is a colorful land, and a diverse country. Iran is heterogeneous, multiethnic and multilingual, with different religions and lifestyles. Additionally, similar to other societies, half of the Iranian population consists of women, and of course, there is also a natural diversity of sexual orientations in our country.
There are no accurate statistics on ethnic and religious minorities in Iran. Despite multiple demands from various UN treaty bodies and committees, in particular the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the Islamic Republic refuses to provide statistical data and to carry out a study of the communities of Arab, Azeri, Balochi, Kurdish, Sunnis, Baha’i, and others (CERD 2010).[1] Therefore, I will try to refrain from providing statistics in this talk. However, I am certain that there are a number of ethnic and religious minority experts among us today that may be able to answer to your questions regarding numbers.
Relying on available information, Persians are Iran’s largest ethnic group. Some of the other ethnic groups, which are major factors in Iranian politics, are Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Balochis, and Lors. Others also include Turkomens, Qashqais, Mazandaranis, Talyshis and Gilakis. Further, given turbulence in Afghanistan in recent decades, Afghan refugees and migrant workers have become an important minority group in Iran.
In addition to a wealth of ethnicities, Iran also historically enjoys religious diversity. Iran’s official religion is the Twelver Shia Islam (Ithna Ashari Islam) with a notable and diverse Sunni minority population spread across the country. There are a number of other religious minorities such as Baha’is, Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians, as well as the Daravish (Sufi aspirants). Please note that the ethnicities and religions that I mentioned are simply notable examples, and do not represent all the existing minority groups in Iran.
How Does the Islamic Republic Approach Pluralism in Iran?
The Islamic Republic of Iran continues to forcefully and systematically diminish pluralism across the country in order to maintain strong central ideological control over the population.
Regardless, let me be clear here. No matter how hard the Islamic Republic tries to repress and diminish the diversity of Iran, it will eventually fail against the natural fabric of this land which screams pluralism for as long as it has existed on the face of the planet.
Moreover, the Islamic Republic is no exception to its counterparts in the Middle East region. If it continues to neglect the diverse nature of the Iranian population, it will ultimately face the same challenges and conflicts as we see today in Iraq, Syria and now Turkey. With or without a sealed nuclear deal with the West, Iran cannot continue to promote conflicts and extremism in the region and remain forever influential and stable at the cost of committing atrocities against its diverse population.
This is not to excuse other countries in the region such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey for also promoting extremism and repressing their own citizens at home. However, given that our discussion today is about Iran, let us stay focused.
The Islamic Republic’s approach to diversity in Iran is absolutely discriminatory, both in theory and practice. This discriminatory view often reveals itself in the Constitution, as well as in the practices of the three branches of legislative, executive and judiciary.
If you study the prelude of the IRI Constitution, you will notice that the only kind of respectable citizen that can enjoy civil rights and is considered a “full human” is a citizen that is all of the followings at once: male, heterosexual, Shia Muslim who practices the religion exactly as mandated by IRI, and with minimal or no ethnic identity.
Simply put, the Islamic Republic discriminates against everyone in the society that does not match the ideal description that I just mentioned. Women, ethnic, religious and sexual minorities, as well as seculars and Shia Muslims who do not abide by the instructions of the Supreme Leader, all suffer limitations and challenges of various degrees.
For instance, while Baha'is are deprived from higher education and practicing their religion altogether, Kurds undergo major political and economic forms of discriminations and suffer from the highest rates of executions in the country. Similarly, Ahwazi Arabs, and Iranian Arabs in general, as well as other minorities, face cultural, legal, social, political and economic discriminations in Iran.
Focusing the Discussion
Our time is too short today to delve into all the challenges of pluralism in Iran, and to look at key forms of discrimination against women, religious minorities and sexual minorities alike. For the sake of today’s event, I have decided to only focus on the question of ethnic minorities in briefly addressing the challenges of pluralism in today’s Iran.
According to Dr. Nayereh Tohidi, who frequently writes about minorities, any assessment of the status and rights of ethnic and religious minorities in Iran, as elsewhere, has to be done on three levels: (1) the state institutions (examples: the constitution, legal rights, state policy, and state ideology), (2) the response of the minorities, and (3) the way the majority group perceives, feels and treats or interacts with minorities (examples: patterns of prejudice and discrimination that exist in the society at large).[2]
Today, I will mostly highlight the state institutions when talking about the status and rights of ethnic minorities in Iran.
The Status of Ethnic Minorities
As stated earlier, Iran is ethnically diverse. Various ethnicities of Iran have suffered economic, cultural, legal and human rights discriminations throughout history, before and after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Central governments have often intentionally kept many of the ethnically diverse provinces of Iran (especially those located in the border areas) less privileged in order to control their political and cultural influence and demands. The overall rate of unemployment, poverty, deprivation from education and the general social welfare of Iranians in ethnic areas are lower than the rest of the country.
I will now delve into some of the specifics to describe the conditions of ethnic minorities in the Islamic Republic.
I. Economic Rights
Economic rights is an area where in fact the Constitution of the Islamic Republic supposedly calls for equality. According to Article 48 of the Constitution which is neglected in practice, “There must be no discrimination among the various provinces with regard to the exploitation of natural resources, utilization of public revenues, and distribution of economic activities among the various provinces and regions of the country, thereby ensuring that every region has access to the necessary capital and facilities in accordance with its needs and capacity for growth.” You can also refer to Articles 3,9, 28, 29, 30, 31 and 43 of the Constitution for mandates regarding elimination of deprivation and exclusion. As such, the Islamic Republic seems to even violate its own laws, whenever in rare cases are in favor of equality.
According to a report published in 2014 by the Unrepresented Peoples and Nations Organization (UNPO) about ethnic minorities in Iran, economic marginalization has been an effective tool used to marginalize ethnic minorities. For example, about 76% of the Balochi population in Sistan Balochistan, which is the least developed province in Iran, lives in extreme poverty.[3]
Similarly, while as of 2014 the unemployment rate in Dezful, a city with a Persian majority, is 7%, the cities of Abadan and Khorramshahr (Mohammerah) that have a notable Arab population face unemployment rates of 41% and 60%. Another example is the Iranian Kurdistan, which also despite being rich in natural resources and water, remains economically underdeveloped. Consequently, the Kurdish population has primarily relied on agriculture, which can also be dangerous given the many landmines that frequently cause injury and death of children and adults, without the government sufficiently cleaning the area of these deadly mines.[4]
Similarly, according to a report published in 2010-2011 by the Islamic Republic’s own Ministry of Roads and Urbanization, over two third of the population in Sistan Balochistan, 31% of Khuzestan and 29% of Lorestan are under the poverty line for housing. Meanwhile, 53% of families in Hormozgan province, 36% in Bushehr province and 33% in Ilam province are unable to secure an appropriate home for themselves. According to Mohammadreza Farhadipour, an Iranian economist, these statistics that belong to 4 years ago have likely worsened by now.[5]
Given the lower access to education, high rates of poverty and unemployment, as well as limited opportunities, the youth of ethnically diverse areas of Iran are often forced to migrate away from their homelands in search of employment in other cities and provinces.
Additionally, given the fact that many of these ethnically diverse provinces are border areas, in the absence of a healthy formal economy, the unemployed local youth engage in illegal activities for their livelihood such as border black-market trade and smuggling. In turn, the state deliberately confronts these so-called smugglers with harsh punishments such as lengthy prison sentences, border shooting or capital punishment for drug trafficking.
II. Cultural and Educational Rights
Ethnic minorities in Iran have faced difficulties in using their own languages throughout the contemporary history of Iran. Education is done officially exclusively in Farsi (Persian). Many children of ethnic minorities naturally do not speak Persian and so many of them have difficulty understanding the lessons and advancing in their education.
President Hassan Rouhani is yet to realize his promise to bring ethnic minorities’ mother tongues into the classroom. During a speech in Mahabad (Kurdistan) in May 2016 he once again emphasized on the need to realize Article 15 of the Constitution that states, “...The use of regional and tribal languages in the press and mass media, as well as for teaching of their literature in schools, is allowed in addition to Persian.” And, he stated that he is still in negotiations with the Ministry of Education for implementing Article 15 in schools. It seems that he has pushed for the creation of a few centers for teaching the languages of ethnic minorities in some areas of the country.[6] However, he has not yet fulfilled his promise of allowing and facilitating the official teaching of ethnic mother tongues in schools.
Even though Iran enjoys a rather high literacy rate, the country is experiencing a downward trend when it comes to primary education. This worrying trend is particularly notable in provinces where ethnic minorities reside. Every year about 25% of children are deprived from school, and the majority of them are girls. Sistan Balochistan and Khuzestan are among the provinces that see the highest dropout rates of girls in schools. One of the most important factors that contribute to this alarming rate is economic hardship that families experience in these ethnically diverse areas of Iran.[7]
III. Religious Rights
As stated earlier, Sunni Muslims constitute a large number of religious minorities in Iran. Much of the Sunni populations reside in ethnically diverse areas of the country such as Sistan Balochistan, Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Khorasan and Khuzestan. There are also notable Sunni populations in major cities such as the country’s capital (Tehran), especially given urbanization and migration from remote areas and smaller cities to large cities for employment.
Even in areas where the majority of residents are Sunnis, state authorities often deprive the Sunni population from key professions, and appoint Shia officials whenever possible. According to the Constitution of IRI, Sunnis cannot become candidates for presidency. Also, even though no law explicitly prevents Sunnis from serving in key executive or diplomatic positions, there is very little space for them in practice.
President Hassan Rouhani’s cabinet has taken symbolic gestures to address the state’s discrimination against Sunnis. For instance, he assigned a Sunni ambassador to Vietnam and also appointed Sunnis to some of the local and provincial positions.[8] Additionally, Rouhani’s cabinet appointed a Sunni as the deputy of one of the ministries. There were 21 Sunni representatives in the 10th Islamic parliament (Majles).
However, these symbolic steps have not sufficiently addressed the challenge of institutionalized and systematic discrimination against Sunnis in Iran. A lot more has to happen before we can see notable improvements. The Friday Prayer Imam of the Sunni population in Zahedan (Sistan Balochistan) has also stated that the capacity of the Sunnis in Iran is well beyond what is currently portrayed by the national government. Further, he emphasizes that biases in policymaking limit the manifestation of the capacity of Iran’s Sunni population in the society at large.
In a quick glance, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran may seem at least partially protective of the rights of the Sunni minorities. For instance, Article 12 of the Constitution states, “Other Islamic schools, including the Hanafi, Shafi'i, Maliki, Hanbali, and Zaydi, are to be accorded full respect, and their followers are free to act in accordance with their own jurisprudence in performing their religious rites.” Yet, this same article strongly emphasizes on the official religion of the country, which is the Twelver Shia Islam (Ithna Ashari Islam), helping authorities to interpret and execute this article against Sunni minorities.
Legal restrictions aside, Sunni minorities in Iran also face various economic and political difficulties and tensions with the state. The of rise of Wahhabism in the region, and the rivalry with Saudi Arabia have also increased the Islamic Republic’s fear of the Sunni population, leading to even more repressive policies and actions.
III. Judicial Rights and Security Persecutions
According to Article 19 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, “All people of Iran, whatever the ethnic group or tribe to which they belong, enjoy equal rights; and color, race, language, and the like, do not bestow any privilege.” It is ironic that even the discriminatory Constitution of IRI itself calls on some level of equality that remains neglected in practice. This article has no real relevance to the policies and practices of the Islamic Republic against ethnic, religious and sexual minorities, as well as women in many instances.
In the case of ethnic minorities in particular, the Islamic Republic conveniently labels any young or old ethnic rights activist as “separatist” or a member of armed resistance forces, accusing them of having “acted against national interest”, and other such crimes. Many of them are imprisoned for long years, tortured or even executed. Such practices highlight the Islamic Republic’s consistent strategy to create an environment of deep fear and repression in ethnic and border areas of the country in order to maintain control. In line with this strategy, the Islamic Republic suppresses any sign of resistance against poverty and discrimination of all kinds.
Concluding Remarks
In the end, I would like to emphasize that human rights violations in today’s Iran go beyond ethnic minorities, and impact many others alike. Therefore, whether Kurd, Arab, Balochi, Persian, Azeri, Afghan, Sunni, Shia, Baha'i, Christian, Jewish, man, woman, queer or otherwise, we have a unified battle to peacefully fight against the Islamic Republic’s ongoing human right violations that impact all of us, one way or the other. We also have a duty to think and act constructively toward a unified Iran where human rights are respected for all, and where anyone from any race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation or political background can enjoy equality and rule of law.
Thank you!
[1] CRC Concluding observations regarding Drug Abuse and Street Children: “the Committee is concerned at reports that drug abuse is on the increase, that the age of addiction has decreased, that there is a lack of statistical data in this regard and that a program initiated in 1997 does not seem to be effective” (CRC 2005).
[2] Tohidi, Nayereh, “Iran’s Regional Policies since the End of the Cold War” in Ed. Gheissari, Ali, Contemporary Iran: Economy, Society, Politics, Oxford University Press, 2009, p.4463
[3] Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Iran, UNPO, June 2014 <http://unpo.org/downloads/936.pdf>
[4] UNPO: Iranian Kurdistan: <http://unpo.org/members/7882>
[5] Radio Zamaneh: <https://www.radiozamaneh.com/250793>
[6] Ethno Clobus, June 2, 2016:
[7] From Balochistan to Khuzestan, Girls Do not Go to School, Radio Farda:
<https://www.radiozamaneh.com/250438>
[8] Aman, Fatemeh, “Iran’s Uneasy Relationship with its Sunni Minority”, Middle East Institute, March 21, 2016 <http://www.mei.edu/content/article/iran%E2%80%99s-uneasy-relationship-its-sunni-minorities>